The man who masterminded the paraeconomía
Raul Hasbun, alias Pedro Bonito.
PORTADARaúl Hasbún, the strategist of the paramilitaries, is uncovered with Semana and reveals the relationship of banana farmers and traders with the AUC.Saturday March 31, 2012
The vast majority of Colombians do not really know who is Raul Hasbun, alias Pedro Bonito. Unlike other paramilitary commanders who introduced themselves as lords of war when handed over their weapons in the process of demobilization of Justice and Peace, went from stoop Hasbún because demobilized as a more militant and not as the commander of the Banana Bloc AUC.
Hasbún was a member of the leadership of the AUC, the right of Vincent and Charles Castaño, and was also the mastermind of the funding strategy of the AUC in Urabá. For this liaised with the guild banana and used as a cover for the Convivir that employers give her money to the paramilitaries. As in the past have been documented links with the policy of paramilitary and military forces, but not with their funders, the testimony of Hasbún becomes the first fan paraeconomía.
The exparamilitar, that is now paying a 18-year sentence for a slaughter he ordered in San Jose de Apartado, agreed to talk for the first time, a means of communication on the financing model of the self with the private sector.WEEK: You have never given an interview to a media outlet, why accept it now?
Raul Hasbún: Because closed for Chiquita. Why are we called to court then? If the prosecution does not care to talk about the banana, to be told so as not we wear to court and we avoid threats toads. The Prosecutor said about who they want to talk and who does not, but I must say publicly. If you do not want to talk about politicians or businessmen, they should say so.
WEEK: Is it worse to talk about businessmen or politicians?
RH: Entrepreneurs never have started processes. Paraeconomía has not started. In Uraba paraeconomía I get involved 4,000 people as little.
WEEKLY: So you believe the prosecution process ends Chiquita and refrains from making charges to others not to affect the banana companies?
RH: What happens is that several people are too important in the political and economic. I gave the prosecution a few listings with 270 bananas, 400 cattle and could be a few thousand traders. The prosecution does not have the capacity to investigate what happened in Uraba, but there is political will. Would end with the fifth line of the national economy that feeds the GDP, which is bananas. Ciérrenlo, leaving 300,000 people without jobs, and that creates more dead than I and the guerrillas put for long.
WEEK: How much money left for paraeconomía entrepreneurs?
RH: I gave three cents per month per box of bananas and I came about 400 million per month. Add another 200 of the farmers and 100 traders. Were 600 million pesos a month, which would annually 7,200 million pesos. So I came to me one year of Uraba.
WEEK: For how long?
RH: With 7,200 million pesos a year for ten years we delinquimos.
WEEK: That amounts to about 80,000 million. Do volunteers or contributions were achieved at the point of extortion?
RH: Where there is a complaint that we extorsionábamos the banana? They can not say that because when we bring extorsionábamos the AUC I did not even have military or anything like that.
WEEK: So the idea of an alliance with the paramilitaries was the business?
RH: I was the guild banana, had farms, banana companies. The banana farmers and merchants in the area, we were tired of the presence of the guerrillas. The only solution we found was the AUC.
WEEK: And when they began to finance the self-defense?
RH: The first time we fund groups outside the law voluntarily went with the incursion of paramilitary leader Henry Perez in the area. The second was with the commando and the third, when he formed the Peasant Self Cordoba and Uraba (ACCU).
WEEKLY: How did the commando?
RH: Many were former members of the PLA, were allies. We gave them money and armed them to fight against the guerrillas and the unions because we were dry. The commando had the support of Fidel Castano and then when they start the AUC of Cordoba and Uraba (ACCU), we absorbed the commands. We went to a meeting with them being command and left the meeting as self-defense.
WEEK: And when do the alliance with the ACCU of Castaño?
RH: In 94 or 95 do not remember exactly. I went to where Brown, representing employers, metieran tell you people there. We became good friends with the Brown brothers, we had about two years working on it until the 96 Vicente Castano tells me they need us to organize and I'm going to be the commander.
WEEKLY: How was the beginning of the process of funding and expansion of the self?
RH: We gave the money in seedlings, always in cash. We had a first office here in Medellin who was in charge of collecting the money from the banana companies.
WEEK: Why in Medellin?
RH: Because the region was so violent that he would not any banana to the area. Then passing the lists were not the employers, because they went to the area, but the administrators.
WEEK: What lists?
RH: The manager knew who he was or was guerrilla collaborator and worked on farms.Then they gave us the famous ready for us to stop buses at checkpoints on the road and with list in hand checkpoint commander was saying "I go down to so and so and so" and killed three or four. Two farms often hired on the same bus for staff, then in a single bus had more than two massacres.
WEEK: When will then decide to put the funding strategy through the Living?
RH: You saw every day for the news to promote the Living, then happened to us (along with Vicente and Carlos Castaño) it was a good idea, because we saw that there could be a problem if a man had twisted and firms gave the money in cash.
WEEK: The banana knew of the plan from the beginning?
RH: I asked in the case of Chiquita, "you made with the banana to mount the Living?" Which was what they found out. "No, I made with Vicente Castaño, with Maicol and Doblecero to the issue of Living." Then I went to the Governor and met with Pedro Juan Moreno, Rodrigo Cardona and Dr. Naranjo. All very formal. We attended a charm.
WEEK: How so?
RH: I went to set up a Living and they said, "See, man, there are about 14 montañeritos that have the same idea, not weigh, do you why do not you hold of these?".
WEEK: Will the Government knew that you wanted to hide the Convivir contributions being made by the AUC banana?
RH: I would not say whether they knew or did not know, or we used. I say that I used, but it was they who removed that we used.
WEEK: How many times did the Government?
R.H.: Over there ten times.
WEEK: What ever met with Governor Alvaro Uribe?
RH: Yes, one day Dr. Pedro Juan Moreno said, "come to know the boss." And this man was there in his office, talking on the phone. We sat in a small room of a furniture white and he finished speaking and then Peter John said, "see, meet Raul Hasbun, the Urabá of Living." "Oh, nice", and stopped and searched than a sticker 'Report and Support' with numbers up and slips and a folleticos that drew at that time. That man gave me all that and I lasted five minutes or three minutes.
WEEK: The payment changes when we become Living?
R.H.: Totally. Now let us pay in the seedlings, set down in the accounts. We took off a headache because when we were paid in cash here in Medellin, we had to send trucks in creeks in Urabá. We could not by the banking system because it was a lot of money.
WEEK: Farmers contributed in the same way?
RH: The ranchers do not, they never contributed to the Living. For the livestock they had easier cash to pay us directly. With the guild paid what livestock we kept the shock troops. Is that in the Living could not get anyone on the payroll who had an arrest warrant. The Living were not to kill people, were to legalize company payments.
WEEK: And the merchants strategy was it?
RH: The military arm went into a town first and ended with all the urban guerrilla militias.Then, meet people and told them, "see this 'cleansing' we did it, the self-defense. Fulanito died because it was that they collected taxes, which kidnapped and the other, who was with the radio report." And in those meetings were presented to the person in charge of finance explained to them. Then the stores gave the money in cash to small structures and two or three months, these small structures that were already operating as self-sufficient city. Chigorodó, Carepa, Turbo, Currulao became self-sufficient, they bought their bikes, radios, transportation, everything.
WEEK: How much can actually be reached?
RH: We deliver the most cost effective weapons when the business was, the more guns we had, when we had more political power. Mancuso spoke of 35 percent of Congress, not even Mancuso knew all the power he had.
WEEK: The expansion and power also reached by the drug did so ...
RH: That was one of the alternatives that had each area commander. If I needed resources, could do it, but because there was no Uraba before entering we had secured financing. Moreover, we controlled that the boats were not used for drug trafficking by condition of the banana companies.
WEEK: Do you banana boats used to bring weapons?
R.H.: Never been on banana boats. I participated in the income of 4,200 rifles to Colombia, that we brought from Bulgaria disguised between urea, which is fertilizer for the banana, but banana had no responsibility.
WEEK: How encaletaron guns unloaded and how?
RH: The ship reached the Gulf of Uraba and we had legally export licenses that urea.Banadex was hired, it is a subsidiary of Chiquita, it was the only company that had the infrastructure to download and bulk containers.
WEEK: Banadex knew about the guns?
RH: No, they realized at 12 at night because they were split down the urea, a stick and when the bags fell, also fell the trumpets of the guns. We had to secure a boat with troops not to leave anyone off the ship, and as everyone started to work required. We turned to a police corporal with a story that came a urea smuggling and had paid taxes for 1,000 parcels, but they were 2,000, and we ask that you leave them out. What the police know what gave you? Were 14 cabins at the police station and had no tables or mats, and the roof was of Eternit and torn. That cost million-plus dollars. There was no commission to pay on that lap.
WEEK: How much power came to be on the police and army in Uraba?
R.H.: Everyone copied us. I commanded, not directly, but indirectly. Army prosecutors, police, DAS, Sijin, all organisms were copying us. Came to us all the information, would assemble a single report and sent it to everyone. The vast majority of Urabá were joint operations.
WEEK: Do you dispatched from the XVII Brigade?
R.H.: We set up an office next door. Then came the Brigade and bought a lot that we help them achieve and we were entering our headquarters throughout half of the Brigade.
WEEK: What happened to that site?
R.H.: It gave the banana. They kept the venue, with everything. I think the later donated to the Army and I think there is now the general's house.
WEEK: You came to appoint an officer of the Armed Forces?
RH: We could not put it or remove it, but if this man came and not coordinated with us, did absolutely nothing. And see now how my defense of General Rito Alejo del Rio, that he knew and was afraid of the paramilitaries. And in the case against Guillermo Gaviria, is the lawyer and says he is denounced not because they felt threatened.
Week: Businessmen also defend that argument.
RH: I sit in front of any banana and I think none of them dares to say liar. Is that Victor Enriquez, one of those investigated in the process of Chiquita, they ask if you know Raul Hasbún and says no, when his sister was married to my brother.
WEEK: And what marketing Enriquez was?
RH: In Banacol, the owner and manager of Banacol, which ended up buying Banadex, which was Chiquita. Augura was president, all hard Uraba banana, Dr. Andres Arango.There was a month that I did not meet with these gentlemen. Now no one knows me.
WEEK: But the prosecution alleges that the only conspiracy charges is up to you.
RH: When I told the German (former commander paramilitary), told me the same thing had happened to Yiddish Medina.
WEEK: Do you think then that there are many people who should be in jail like you?
RH: I do not want to mess anyone prisoner, I just want to Colombia and the world know that we were not four or ten guys that we made the mess and that we are murderers. Is that a state can tell me when you get a bandit EPL guerrillas and the uniform again and I was self-defense? So I'm the villain and not them? If that's being a bandit, bandit was then Colombia whole, because there can be a rancher, a banana in rural areas that did not have ties to the paramilitaries.
traducción por http://translate.google.es/ de http://www.semana.com/nacion/hombre-cerebro-paraeconomia/174730-3.aspx
Raul Hasbun, alias Pedro Bonito.
PORTADARaúl Hasbún, the strategist of the paramilitaries, is uncovered with Semana and reveals the relationship of banana farmers and traders with the AUC.Saturday March 31, 2012
The vast majority of Colombians do not really know who is Raul Hasbun, alias Pedro Bonito. Unlike other paramilitary commanders who introduced themselves as lords of war when handed over their weapons in the process of demobilization of Justice and Peace, went from stoop Hasbún because demobilized as a more militant and not as the commander of the Banana Bloc AUC.
Hasbún was a member of the leadership of the AUC, the right of Vincent and Charles Castaño, and was also the mastermind of the funding strategy of the AUC in Urabá. For this liaised with the guild banana and used as a cover for the Convivir that employers give her money to the paramilitaries. As in the past have been documented links with the policy of paramilitary and military forces, but not with their funders, the testimony of Hasbún becomes the first fan paraeconomía.
The exparamilitar, that is now paying a 18-year sentence for a slaughter he ordered in San Jose de Apartado, agreed to talk for the first time, a means of communication on the financing model of the self with the private sector.WEEK: You have never given an interview to a media outlet, why accept it now?
Raul Hasbún: Because closed for Chiquita. Why are we called to court then? If the prosecution does not care to talk about the banana, to be told so as not we wear to court and we avoid threats toads. The Prosecutor said about who they want to talk and who does not, but I must say publicly. If you do not want to talk about politicians or businessmen, they should say so.
WEEK: Is it worse to talk about businessmen or politicians?
RH: Entrepreneurs never have started processes. Paraeconomía has not started. In Uraba paraeconomía I get involved 4,000 people as little.
WEEKLY: So you believe the prosecution process ends Chiquita and refrains from making charges to others not to affect the banana companies?
RH: What happens is that several people are too important in the political and economic. I gave the prosecution a few listings with 270 bananas, 400 cattle and could be a few thousand traders. The prosecution does not have the capacity to investigate what happened in Uraba, but there is political will. Would end with the fifth line of the national economy that feeds the GDP, which is bananas. Ciérrenlo, leaving 300,000 people without jobs, and that creates more dead than I and the guerrillas put for long.
WEEK: How much money left for paraeconomía entrepreneurs?
RH: I gave three cents per month per box of bananas and I came about 400 million per month. Add another 200 of the farmers and 100 traders. Were 600 million pesos a month, which would annually 7,200 million pesos. So I came to me one year of Uraba.
WEEK: For how long?
RH: With 7,200 million pesos a year for ten years we delinquimos.
WEEK: That amounts to about 80,000 million. Do volunteers or contributions were achieved at the point of extortion?
RH: Where there is a complaint that we extorsionábamos the banana? They can not say that because when we bring extorsionábamos the AUC I did not even have military or anything like that.
WEEK: So the idea of an alliance with the paramilitaries was the business?
RH: I was the guild banana, had farms, banana companies. The banana farmers and merchants in the area, we were tired of the presence of the guerrillas. The only solution we found was the AUC.
WEEK: And when they began to finance the self-defense?
RH: The first time we fund groups outside the law voluntarily went with the incursion of paramilitary leader Henry Perez in the area. The second was with the commando and the third, when he formed the Peasant Self Cordoba and Uraba (ACCU).
WEEKLY: How did the commando?
RH: Many were former members of the PLA, were allies. We gave them money and armed them to fight against the guerrillas and the unions because we were dry. The commando had the support of Fidel Castano and then when they start the AUC of Cordoba and Uraba (ACCU), we absorbed the commands. We went to a meeting with them being command and left the meeting as self-defense.
WEEK: And when do the alliance with the ACCU of Castaño?
RH: In 94 or 95 do not remember exactly. I went to where Brown, representing employers, metieran tell you people there. We became good friends with the Brown brothers, we had about two years working on it until the 96 Vicente Castano tells me they need us to organize and I'm going to be the commander.
WEEKLY: How was the beginning of the process of funding and expansion of the self?
RH: We gave the money in seedlings, always in cash. We had a first office here in Medellin who was in charge of collecting the money from the banana companies.
WEEK: Why in Medellin?
RH: Because the region was so violent that he would not any banana to the area. Then passing the lists were not the employers, because they went to the area, but the administrators.
WEEK: What lists?
RH: The manager knew who he was or was guerrilla collaborator and worked on farms.Then they gave us the famous ready for us to stop buses at checkpoints on the road and with list in hand checkpoint commander was saying "I go down to so and so and so" and killed three or four. Two farms often hired on the same bus for staff, then in a single bus had more than two massacres.
WEEK: When will then decide to put the funding strategy through the Living?
RH: You saw every day for the news to promote the Living, then happened to us (along with Vicente and Carlos Castaño) it was a good idea, because we saw that there could be a problem if a man had twisted and firms gave the money in cash.
WEEK: The banana knew of the plan from the beginning?
RH: I asked in the case of Chiquita, "you made with the banana to mount the Living?" Which was what they found out. "No, I made with Vicente Castaño, with Maicol and Doblecero to the issue of Living." Then I went to the Governor and met with Pedro Juan Moreno, Rodrigo Cardona and Dr. Naranjo. All very formal. We attended a charm.
WEEK: How so?
RH: I went to set up a Living and they said, "See, man, there are about 14 montañeritos that have the same idea, not weigh, do you why do not you hold of these?".
WEEK: Will the Government knew that you wanted to hide the Convivir contributions being made by the AUC banana?
RH: I would not say whether they knew or did not know, or we used. I say that I used, but it was they who removed that we used.
WEEK: How many times did the Government?
R.H.: Over there ten times.
WEEK: What ever met with Governor Alvaro Uribe?
RH: Yes, one day Dr. Pedro Juan Moreno said, "come to know the boss." And this man was there in his office, talking on the phone. We sat in a small room of a furniture white and he finished speaking and then Peter John said, "see, meet Raul Hasbun, the Urabá of Living." "Oh, nice", and stopped and searched than a sticker 'Report and Support' with numbers up and slips and a folleticos that drew at that time. That man gave me all that and I lasted five minutes or three minutes.
WEEK: The payment changes when we become Living?
R.H.: Totally. Now let us pay in the seedlings, set down in the accounts. We took off a headache because when we were paid in cash here in Medellin, we had to send trucks in creeks in Urabá. We could not by the banking system because it was a lot of money.
WEEK: Farmers contributed in the same way?
RH: The ranchers do not, they never contributed to the Living. For the livestock they had easier cash to pay us directly. With the guild paid what livestock we kept the shock troops. Is that in the Living could not get anyone on the payroll who had an arrest warrant. The Living were not to kill people, were to legalize company payments.
WEEK: And the merchants strategy was it?
RH: The military arm went into a town first and ended with all the urban guerrilla militias.Then, meet people and told them, "see this 'cleansing' we did it, the self-defense. Fulanito died because it was that they collected taxes, which kidnapped and the other, who was with the radio report." And in those meetings were presented to the person in charge of finance explained to them. Then the stores gave the money in cash to small structures and two or three months, these small structures that were already operating as self-sufficient city. Chigorodó, Carepa, Turbo, Currulao became self-sufficient, they bought their bikes, radios, transportation, everything.
WEEK: How much can actually be reached?
RH: We deliver the most cost effective weapons when the business was, the more guns we had, when we had more political power. Mancuso spoke of 35 percent of Congress, not even Mancuso knew all the power he had.
WEEK: The expansion and power also reached by the drug did so ...
RH: That was one of the alternatives that had each area commander. If I needed resources, could do it, but because there was no Uraba before entering we had secured financing. Moreover, we controlled that the boats were not used for drug trafficking by condition of the banana companies.
WEEK: Do you banana boats used to bring weapons?
R.H.: Never been on banana boats. I participated in the income of 4,200 rifles to Colombia, that we brought from Bulgaria disguised between urea, which is fertilizer for the banana, but banana had no responsibility.
WEEK: How encaletaron guns unloaded and how?
RH: The ship reached the Gulf of Uraba and we had legally export licenses that urea.Banadex was hired, it is a subsidiary of Chiquita, it was the only company that had the infrastructure to download and bulk containers.
WEEK: Banadex knew about the guns?
RH: No, they realized at 12 at night because they were split down the urea, a stick and when the bags fell, also fell the trumpets of the guns. We had to secure a boat with troops not to leave anyone off the ship, and as everyone started to work required. We turned to a police corporal with a story that came a urea smuggling and had paid taxes for 1,000 parcels, but they were 2,000, and we ask that you leave them out. What the police know what gave you? Were 14 cabins at the police station and had no tables or mats, and the roof was of Eternit and torn. That cost million-plus dollars. There was no commission to pay on that lap.
WEEK: How much power came to be on the police and army in Uraba?
R.H.: Everyone copied us. I commanded, not directly, but indirectly. Army prosecutors, police, DAS, Sijin, all organisms were copying us. Came to us all the information, would assemble a single report and sent it to everyone. The vast majority of Urabá were joint operations.
WEEK: Do you dispatched from the XVII Brigade?
R.H.: We set up an office next door. Then came the Brigade and bought a lot that we help them achieve and we were entering our headquarters throughout half of the Brigade.
WEEK: What happened to that site?
R.H.: It gave the banana. They kept the venue, with everything. I think the later donated to the Army and I think there is now the general's house.
WEEK: You came to appoint an officer of the Armed Forces?
RH: We could not put it or remove it, but if this man came and not coordinated with us, did absolutely nothing. And see now how my defense of General Rito Alejo del Rio, that he knew and was afraid of the paramilitaries. And in the case against Guillermo Gaviria, is the lawyer and says he is denounced not because they felt threatened.
Week: Businessmen also defend that argument.
RH: I sit in front of any banana and I think none of them dares to say liar. Is that Victor Enriquez, one of those investigated in the process of Chiquita, they ask if you know Raul Hasbún and says no, when his sister was married to my brother.
WEEK: And what marketing Enriquez was?
RH: In Banacol, the owner and manager of Banacol, which ended up buying Banadex, which was Chiquita. Augura was president, all hard Uraba banana, Dr. Andres Arango.There was a month that I did not meet with these gentlemen. Now no one knows me.
WEEK: But the prosecution alleges that the only conspiracy charges is up to you.
RH: When I told the German (former commander paramilitary), told me the same thing had happened to Yiddish Medina.
WEEK: Do you think then that there are many people who should be in jail like you?
RH: I do not want to mess anyone prisoner, I just want to Colombia and the world know that we were not four or ten guys that we made the mess and that we are murderers. Is that a state can tell me when you get a bandit EPL guerrillas and the uniform again and I was self-defense? So I'm the villain and not them? If that's being a bandit, bandit was then Colombia whole, because there can be a rancher, a banana in rural areas that did not have ties to the paramilitaries.
traducción por http://translate.google.es/ de http://www.semana.com/nacion/hombre-cerebro-paraeconomia/174730-3.aspx
